"Hong Kong's Democractic Development - The Battlefield is in China"
For the sake of a contrast to an op-ed piece by Hong Kong media mongul Jimmy Lai Chi Ying that I translated last month, below is an op-ed piece titled "Constitutional Reform - The Most Senseless Dispute Since 1997" (政改 — 九七以來最無謂的爭議) by Leung Kai-chi, originally published in Ming Pao Daily on November 13th, 2005.
It is about Hong Kong. But it is also very much about China.
This piece was translated a few weeks ago when this site was experiencing technical problem and I almost forgot to publish it until today.
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Constitutional Reform - The Most Senseless Dispute Since 1997
by Leung Kai-chi, doctoral candidate in Geography
Just as the conservative faction and the liberal-minded faction are itching for a fight, using the constitutional reform as the century's battle; just as scholars and commentators are yelling loudly, making their statement of positions on the proposals a fight over a matter of life and death; please allow me to be offensive and say a sentence: this is the most senseless dispute since 1997.
Hong Kong's Democractic Development - The Battlefield is in China
I suspect that regardless of whether the final bill that will be passed is about universal suffrage starting from today, or confers Tseng Yam Kuen as the emperor who will give all Hong Kong citizen a box of pork and chicken rice, its impact on Hong Kong's long term democratic development is miniscule. Why so? Because the battlefield for Hong Kong's democractic development is not in Hong Kong but in China.
Over the last two months, I have visited a number of scholars on the mainland that research on urban and social development. They all said the same thing to me: China's reform and openess have already reached the most critical moment. Look at any reports on the mainland's social problems - "bottleneck", "attack stage", "entering the deep water zone" -- these views are never absent in sound. Reform in the past twenty years was only a start. Now it begins to post challenges to the largest interest groups when it comes to dealing with social problems that are caused by economic development. To solve these problems. some scholars agreed that some form of political reform is necessary.
What does this have to do with Hong Kong? The key is for how long do you think the Chinese Communist Party will exist in its current form. With tremendous challenges poised by social conflicts, the Chinese Communist Party cannot continue to exist in the same form. If reform is successful, China will use democracy and the rule of law to transit difficult times. Hence, the dispute on universal suffrage is a waste of time because by that time there will already be a democratic China. If reform and the open policy fails, China will be trapped in the crisis of social instability and economic collapse, and the Hong Kong Special Administration may not even be able to survive safely. The significance of the dispute on universal suffrage in Hong Kong will also change in its face.
Presuming that Tomorrow's Communist Party Will Not change is So Wrong
Looking back over the past twenty-five years, today's Chinese government is not the same as it was yesterday. The democratic base -- the government's functions are in fact quietly undergoing restructuring. I am not here to praise the Communist Party. But the objective environment has determined that it must change. The question is whether it will change for good or for the worst. Unfortunately, present discussions on constitutional reform, regardless of whether it is advocating a fight for every bit of possible room or for a gradual progress, all presumed that tomorrow's Communist Party will be the same as it is today. This is so wrong.
When the assumptions behind a proposition are wrong, the discussions that follow are then meaningless. Who cares if the pan-Democrats will get twenty-eight or twenty-nine seats in 2008? Since it has nothing to do with Hong Kong's democratic progress. What is really relevant to Hong Kong's problems is not in Hong Kong, but in Beijing, when a hearing on personal tax provokes lots of angry comments that will in turn provoke China's ordinary citizens to gain a new understanding on public participation.
Want to guarantee Hong Kong's democratic development? The only effective way is to guarantee China's democratic development. Otherwise even if Hong Kong could win the battle today, it will be overridden tomorrow and has to start from square one again. This would be a great waste of Hong Kong society's energy.
The real battlefield is in China. Chinese rural villages have many poverty alleviation groups that are pushing for grassroots public participation. Donations that Hong Kong people make are indeed advancing democratic development. A lot of non-governmental organizations and think-tanks from the civil society are emerging in Chinese cities. Hong Kong scholars capturing their theoretical basis are indeed helping with democratic development. The Chinese government is presently putting forward many stricter rules on administrative operations. Using Hong Kong's experience to perfect all kinds of legislative proposals are in fact helping to advance democratic development.
Aside from protests and rallies year after year, the people of Hong Kong can still make a lot more contributions to China's democratic development. We have the conditions and the capabilities to foster the land for China's democratic development. And such substantial social participation, compared with endless disputes on universal suffrage, seems to be more effective in protecting Hong Kong's democratic progress from "one step forward and two step backwards".
For sure, you can also say that the significance of the Hong Kong pan-Democrats' success are not in itself, but in setting an example for China to build up its own people power. But please put out a complete show at least and be thorough in political mobilization. Send all the pan-Democrat legislators down to their local constituencies to "wash buildings" (canvass) everyday and win peoples' support through media exposures. Otherwise, when the people of Hong Kong cannot be agitated, do you think the people on the mainland can be emotionally moved?
Hong Kong's Political Reform is Only an Imaginary Goal
The discourse in Hong Kong have over-emphasized on symbolic meaning. It always presumes that every step is a natural progress, worthwhile for pursuit. No, this is only an imaginary goal that let Hong Kong people focus their spirit and energy in Hong Kong's political reform and leaves them with no spare time to witness and participate in Chinese political reform that is of real importance -- leading her to move towards democracy and the rule of law. Since the river water has already bothered the well water [note: a metaphor that refers to the one country two system], and to dream of raising the dam to protect the well water, why not dive into the great backyard (note: the mainland), and grow trees in the source of the river water?
I absolutely agree with democracy. But shouting slogans on Lower Albert Road is not enough. It is necessary to strive for it on Chang An Street West.
Only with a clear recognition that the framework of analysis should be on China and not Hong Kong, clearly recognizing that the debate has left out the fact that China is facing a historical moment, that this so-called senseless dispute can become the most meaningful debate in China's democratic progress. And only by doing so, Hong Kong will not let its position and mission of being China's freest city gone wasted.
It is about Hong Kong. But it is also very much about China.
This piece was translated a few weeks ago when this site was experiencing technical problem and I almost forgot to publish it until today.
＊ ＊ ＊
Constitutional Reform - The Most Senseless Dispute Since 1997
by Leung Kai-chi, doctoral candidate in Geography
Just as the conservative faction and the liberal-minded faction are itching for a fight, using the constitutional reform as the century's battle; just as scholars and commentators are yelling loudly, making their statement of positions on the proposals a fight over a matter of life and death; please allow me to be offensive and say a sentence: this is the most senseless dispute since 1997.
Hong Kong's Democractic Development - The Battlefield is in China
I suspect that regardless of whether the final bill that will be passed is about universal suffrage starting from today, or confers Tseng Yam Kuen as the emperor who will give all Hong Kong citizen a box of pork and chicken rice, its impact on Hong Kong's long term democratic development is miniscule. Why so? Because the battlefield for Hong Kong's democractic development is not in Hong Kong but in China.
Over the last two months, I have visited a number of scholars on the mainland that research on urban and social development. They all said the same thing to me: China's reform and openess have already reached the most critical moment. Look at any reports on the mainland's social problems - "bottleneck", "attack stage", "entering the deep water zone" -- these views are never absent in sound. Reform in the past twenty years was only a start. Now it begins to post challenges to the largest interest groups when it comes to dealing with social problems that are caused by economic development. To solve these problems. some scholars agreed that some form of political reform is necessary.
What does this have to do with Hong Kong? The key is for how long do you think the Chinese Communist Party will exist in its current form. With tremendous challenges poised by social conflicts, the Chinese Communist Party cannot continue to exist in the same form. If reform is successful, China will use democracy and the rule of law to transit difficult times. Hence, the dispute on universal suffrage is a waste of time because by that time there will already be a democratic China. If reform and the open policy fails, China will be trapped in the crisis of social instability and economic collapse, and the Hong Kong Special Administration may not even be able to survive safely. The significance of the dispute on universal suffrage in Hong Kong will also change in its face.
Presuming that Tomorrow's Communist Party Will Not change is So Wrong
Looking back over the past twenty-five years, today's Chinese government is not the same as it was yesterday. The democratic base -- the government's functions are in fact quietly undergoing restructuring. I am not here to praise the Communist Party. But the objective environment has determined that it must change. The question is whether it will change for good or for the worst. Unfortunately, present discussions on constitutional reform, regardless of whether it is advocating a fight for every bit of possible room or for a gradual progress, all presumed that tomorrow's Communist Party will be the same as it is today. This is so wrong.
When the assumptions behind a proposition are wrong, the discussions that follow are then meaningless. Who cares if the pan-Democrats will get twenty-eight or twenty-nine seats in 2008? Since it has nothing to do with Hong Kong's democratic progress. What is really relevant to Hong Kong's problems is not in Hong Kong, but in Beijing, when a hearing on personal tax provokes lots of angry comments that will in turn provoke China's ordinary citizens to gain a new understanding on public participation.
Want to guarantee Hong Kong's democratic development? The only effective way is to guarantee China's democratic development. Otherwise even if Hong Kong could win the battle today, it will be overridden tomorrow and has to start from square one again. This would be a great waste of Hong Kong society's energy.
The real battlefield is in China. Chinese rural villages have many poverty alleviation groups that are pushing for grassroots public participation. Donations that Hong Kong people make are indeed advancing democratic development. A lot of non-governmental organizations and think-tanks from the civil society are emerging in Chinese cities. Hong Kong scholars capturing their theoretical basis are indeed helping with democratic development. The Chinese government is presently putting forward many stricter rules on administrative operations. Using Hong Kong's experience to perfect all kinds of legislative proposals are in fact helping to advance democratic development.
Aside from protests and rallies year after year, the people of Hong Kong can still make a lot more contributions to China's democratic development. We have the conditions and the capabilities to foster the land for China's democratic development. And such substantial social participation, compared with endless disputes on universal suffrage, seems to be more effective in protecting Hong Kong's democratic progress from "one step forward and two step backwards".
For sure, you can also say that the significance of the Hong Kong pan-Democrats' success are not in itself, but in setting an example for China to build up its own people power. But please put out a complete show at least and be thorough in political mobilization. Send all the pan-Democrat legislators down to their local constituencies to "wash buildings" (canvass) everyday and win peoples' support through media exposures. Otherwise, when the people of Hong Kong cannot be agitated, do you think the people on the mainland can be emotionally moved?
Hong Kong's Political Reform is Only an Imaginary Goal
The discourse in Hong Kong have over-emphasized on symbolic meaning. It always presumes that every step is a natural progress, worthwhile for pursuit. No, this is only an imaginary goal that let Hong Kong people focus their spirit and energy in Hong Kong's political reform and leaves them with no spare time to witness and participate in Chinese political reform that is of real importance -- leading her to move towards democracy and the rule of law. Since the river water has already bothered the well water [note: a metaphor that refers to the one country two system], and to dream of raising the dam to protect the well water, why not dive into the great backyard (note: the mainland), and grow trees in the source of the river water?
I absolutely agree with democracy. But shouting slogans on Lower Albert Road is not enough. It is necessary to strive for it on Chang An Street West.
Only with a clear recognition that the framework of analysis should be on China and not Hong Kong, clearly recognizing that the debate has left out the fact that China is facing a historical moment, that this so-called senseless dispute can become the most meaningful debate in China's democratic progress. And only by doing so, Hong Kong will not let its position and mission of being China's freest city gone wasted.
